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The Russian leader is beginning a 48-hour trip to India, where he is scheduled to meet PM Narendra Modi and attend an regular high-level meeting held by the two nations.

Delhi and the Kremlin are anticipated to sign a series of deals during the meeting, which takes place months after the US ramped up pressure on India to halt buying Russian crude oil.

It also coincides with the US President administration holding a round of discussions with Russia and Ukraine in an attempt to resolve the conflict.

India and Russia have been longtime partners for many years, and Putin and Modi share a warm relationship. Here is a look at why they both require each other – and what to expect as they meet.

A Special Friendship, Trade Deals and Geopolitics

Why are links with India critical for the Kremlin?

Firstly, consider the statistics:

• A demographic of close to a billion and a half.
• GDP expansion over 8%. India is the world's fastest growing economic powerhouse.

That renders it a hugely appealing market for Russian goods and raw materials – notably petroleum.

India is the world's third biggest user of petroleum and has been buying significant quantities from Russia. That was not historically the case. In the era preceding the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, only 2.5% of India's oil imports were sourced from Moscow.

That share jumped to 35% as India took advantage of Russian cheaper rates prompted by restrictions against Moscow and Russia's restricted access to the EU market.

India was content. Washington less so.

In October, the Trump administration slapped an further 25% duty on Indian products, stating that by buying oil from Russia, India was contributing to finance the Kremlin's military budget. Orders from India for Russian oil have fallen since then. President Putin will be keen for India to continue purchasing.

For Moscow, defence sales to India are another priority and have been from Soviet times. In the run-up to Putin's visit, there were indications that India plans to acquire cutting-edge Russian fighter jets and air defence systems.

Russia, facing a labour deficit, also regards India as a valuable provider of skilled workers.

But there's international posturing in the mix, too.

The Kremlin relishes showing that Western efforts to marginalize it over the war in Ukraine have failed.

Traveling to India and conferring with Prime Minister Modi is a method of making that point.

So is visiting China and holding talks with Xi Jinping, as Putin did a quarter ago. He conferred with Modi on the same trip. The photograph of the three leaders in conversation with each other broadcast a clear signal that, notwithstanding the war in Ukraine, Moscow has influential allies who endorse the notion of a "global order not dominated by the West".

Russia praises its "boundless partnership" with China.

It is equally outspoken about its "special and privileged strategic partnership" with India.

That is a stark opposite to Moscow's strained ties with the European Union.

"I think the Kremlin is convinced that the West, even Europe, totally failed," believes commentator Andrei Kolesnikov.

"Moscow has not been cut off, because we have links to Asia and the non-Western nations. Economically, this is the future. In that sense Russia has come back as the principal actor in these parts of the globe, reminiscent of the Soviet Union."

This week, though, anticipate to hear about Moscow-Delhi ties, commercial pacts and enhanced trade relations between Moscow and Delhi.

Examination of Modi's Strategic Autonomy

Putin's visit to Delhi is taking place at a pivotal time for Modi and India's worldwide aspirations.

India-Russia links date back to the USSR period and have persisted regardless of the evolving global political landscape.

Putin has likely put more time and energy into this partnership than other Russian leaders before him.

As for Modi, despite being subjected to intense scrutiny from Western governments to condemn Russia over its war in Ukraine, he maintained that negotiations was the only way to end the war.

This was India's "strategic autonomy" at play – with Modi maintaining a unique place in the geopolitical order where he maintained close ties with Moscow while maintaining his relationship with the West simultaneously.

That functioned – until Trump returned to the White House. India-US ties have reached an all-time low in the past few months as the two countries have been unable to overcome the trade impasse.

In this scenario, Putin's visit assumes greater significance for Modi than in the past because it will challenge India's strategic independence. He will be navigating the proverbial tightrope here.

Modi would want to demonstrate Indians at home and in the wider world that he continues to considers Putin as his ally and hasn't given into pressure from Trump, whom he has previously called his "true friend".

But he has also faced scrutiny from his partners in Europe – as recently as this week, the German, French and UK ambassadors in India wrote a unprecedented joint article in a leading newspaper criticising Russia's position on Ukraine.

And so, Modi will have to make sure that the deepening of India-Russia ties does not overshadow current discussions with the US and his partnership with Europe.

"For India, the difficulty is maintaining equilibrium – safeguarding sovereignty while navigating influence from Washington and interdependence on Moscow," commented a Delhi-based policy institute.

Modi's further goal will be to unlock the opportunities of bilateral trade between India and Russia.

Observers have frequently said that the trade partnership between the two close partners has not lived up to expectations for many years.

Their bilateral trade increased to $68.72bn at the end of March 2025, compared to {just